A Critical Look at the Representation of Prominent Black Women in Warner Bros. Animation
Coal Black and de Sebben Dwarfs was one of the earliest animated American films to place a Black woman as the main character. Directed by Bob Clampett at Warner Brothers in 1942, the character of So White set a precedent for three further Black female lead characters in future Warner Brothers animated projects (Fig. 1). However, introduced as a “happy washerwoman made for a jazzier version of the mammy stereotype” (Lehman 2007, 78), So White contributes to a larger structure of racism within American animation, hindering the progression of positive representation for future Black women as animated characters. The question that this blog investigates is whether the representation of Black women in Warner Brothers animation has truly improved since the introduction of So White, or do So White’s successors continue to perpetrate harmful stereotypes about African American women?
Fig. 1 - The character of So White.
The complicated relationship between American animation and the representation of Black women dates back to the early 19th century. Understanding this history provides context for the creation of Coal Black and de Sebben Dwarfs, allowing several conclusions to be drawn about the representation of Black women within American animation at the time of its release. Goldilocks, featured in Goldilocks and the Jivin’ Bears (Friz Freleng, 1944), Numbuh 5 from the television series Codename: Kids Next Door (Mr. Warburton, 2002-2008), and Hero Girl in The Polar Express (Robert Zemeckis, 2004) are the three successors of So White. This blog post will sketch the history and context surrounding Coal Black and de Sebben Dwarfs and draw comparisons to the three subsequent lead Black female characters, Goldilocks, Numbuh 5, and Hero Girl, to determine if the representation of Black women has improved within Warner Brothers animated projects.
Minstrel performance, blackface, and racialised stereotypes such as the mammy, pickaninny, and Uncle Tom characters were prevalent throughout the early 1900s in the United States. Not only were such types prevalent in media and entertainment industries, but with the rise of the American animation industry, these caricatures of Black culture became ingrained in cartoons (see Sammond 2011; 2015). One hurdle, the Production Code Administration (PCA) introduced in 1934, began censoring what was considered “morally offensive” content. This resulted in studios using older story formats and depicting Black Americans in regressive roles. Even as The National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP) protested the use of racial stereotypes, it was met with backlash from white producers. For example, in 1948, Universal Pictures’ E. L. McEvoy discouraged the NAACP’s activism, noting that the group’s activism would result in the disappearance of roles for Black performers (Lehman 93). Attitudes towards Black Americans were forced to change as Black soldiers began fighting and dying on the battlefield in WWII. On the home front, Black Americans continued to fight for equal rights.
It was within this political climate that Coal Black and de Sebben Dwarfs was distributed. Part of the NAACP’s campaign against Coal Black and de Sebben Dwarfs was a protest against the comical depiction of the African American soldiers (Lehman 2007, 79). Although WWII brought a complicated change in racial dynamics, segregation would not legally end until the Civil Rights Act of 1964. Even so, it is impossible to pinpoint one moment in history when attitudes toward Black Americans began to shift.
Coal Black and de Sebben Dwarfs was a jazzy parody of the Disney feature Snow White and the Seven Dwarfs (David Hand 1937). In a record of Warner Brother’s cartoons from 1930-1969, historians Will Friedwald and Jerry Beck have documented Coal Black and de Sebben Dwarfs as one of Clampett’s best works. In the introduction to The Warner Brothers Cartoons, they acknowledge that several popular Warner Brothers cartoons rely on caricatures but argue that they are good-natured and not offensive, noting “We believe that not to show these cartoons because they have black people in them is truly racist, more racist in fact than any cartoon ever was.” (Friedwald and Beck xi). In the next paragraph, writing about anti-German and anti-Japanese WWII cartoons, they state “It is understandable that these cartoons are not on TV. Another sad aspect of some of these pictures is their utter reliance on ugly racial caricatures as the sole point of humor in the film, rather than funny gags or worthwhile stories.” (Friedwald and Beck xi). These historians have conflated personal with structural racism. Perhaps anti-Black racism continues to persist in animation because it is not seen as a large enough problem compared to other forms of discrimination. In 1981, Friedwald and Beck may have been able to dismiss the offenses in early animation that were caused by the film. However, the NAACP’s request for Warner Brothers to remove the film from circulation as early as 1943 speaks to how poorly it was received by the affected community, even as a product of its time (Lehman 2007, 79).
Other animation historians have accurately pinpointed the inappropriate representations in the film. In his book The Colored Cartoon, Christopher P. Lehman states that “For all his unique ethnic imagery, Clampett could not divorce his attempt to illustrate African American swing from the stereotypes that shaped his business. The very existence of Coal Black and de Sebben Dwarfs depends on cultural appropriation, for the director merely did what blackface minstrels used to do—watch African Americans perform (in his case, at African American nightclubs in Los Angeles) and attempt to approximate their dancing, in his case via animation. His love of black music did not prevent him from drawing characters who sport the usual exaggerated eyes and lips” (2007, 77). Even as Black actors provided voices for film, the voices were not authentic. Clampett dictated how the Black characters sounded, having the Black actors read from his approved dialogue sheets (2007, 78), furthering the misrepresentation within the film.
The inclusion of any stereotype about Black Americans is harmful, but So White casts a particularly negative representation of Black Women. Throughout the film, So White speaks in “hep” talk, a speech pattern found in minstrelsy that mimics Black speech patterns using rhythm or rhymes. This type of dialogue was first drafted into cartoons such as MGM frog cartoons (Lehman 2007, 76). So White is sexualized throughout the film too, animated in gratuitous positions, often bending over and shaking her hips. She is commodified as a trophy to be won by Prince Chawmin’, a creature to be captured by the Wicked Queen, and a prize to be stolen by one of the dwarfs.
Fig. 2 - Goldilocks, featured in Goldilocks and the Jivin’ Bears (Friz Freleng, 1944).
With the lack of scholarly sources that document the expansive list of Warner Brothers animated characters, several online user-based forums, such as Warner Bros. Entertainment Wiki, have compiled lists of all the animated characters that exist within Warner Brothers projects. Through my research and based on these databases, I have concluded that after the release of Coal Black and de Sebben Dwarfs, only three animated projects at Warner Brothers have included a Black woman as one of the leading characters. To be considered in this list, these characters had to have been a part of the main cast. Although Lemonjella and Orangejella LaBelle from Detention (Bob Doucette 1999-2000) are two black female characters, they appear as a part of a large ensemble cast, more as side characters than leading ones, therefore, they are excluded from the analysis of So White’s successors. Goldilocks and the Jivin’ Bears, directed by Friz “I” Freleng, was screened in 1944. Goldilocks is the first character named in the title; however, she does not have as much prominence in her storyline as So White. Her character design, however, does mimic that of So White. They both wear short dark skirts, tight white shirts, red ornaments in their hair, and red shoes with bows. Both women are drawn in ways that emphasize their eyes, lips, and curves (Fig. 2). The differences in style and animation, perhaps, are indicative of the different directors. Clampett’s So White utilized extreme poses and body distortion, while Freleng’s Goldilocks utilized the movements of her limbs but lacks depth. The majority of the film’s attention is placed on the three bears too. Goldilocks crosses paths with a wolf determined to eat her, and the pursuit becomes a jive between the two. The punchline of the story is that Goldilocks’ passion for jiving exhausts the wolf and he tries to escape her clutches. This jazz-crazed portrayal of Goldilocks suggests Black women as obsessed, sexual entities, providing support to other characters, even in their own stories.
Fig. 3 - Numbuh 5 from CodenameKids Next Door(KND).
After Goldilocks, the next Black woman to be featured as a main character occurred six decades later. In 2002, Codename Kids Next Door (KND) premiered on television, directed by Mr. Warburton, and distributed by Warner Brothers Television Distribution. Abigail (Abby) Lincoln, also referred to as Numbuh 5, is one of five protagonists from the franchise. While there are visual and verbal ties to Black culture, such as her gold hoop earrings, her personality is not based on pre-established stereotypes (Fig. 3). She is strong and capable, and given the same respect as her non-Black counterparts. Each of the main characters has unique quirks, speech patterns, and style of clothing. The word “Numbah” followed by an assigned number is used as a nickname for each character, referencing the dialect of the children, rather than stereotypes of the Black vernacular. While Numbuh 5 is a positive example of representation, she is second in command within the KND team, providing support for Numbuh 1. She is not prominent enough within the series to be the only main character or sole protagonist.
Fig. 4 - Hero Girl in The Polar Express.
The Polar Express was released in 2004, directed by Robert Zemeckis. Hero Girl is one of the leading characters, but not the sole protagonist. Her features are not over-defined like So White or Goldilocks, and there is no vocal emphasis on her differences from other characters (Fig. 4). Hero Girl does have motherly tendencies for a child, often acting mature and giving guidance. The majority of her character development is spent on aiding the main protagonist, Hero Boy, in his journey. Overall, Hero Girl is not portrayed negatively with ties to historical stereotypes, but her character is limited to a supporting role.
Although these four characters have vocal, physical, and personality differences, there is still a thread that collects them into a similar category. Each example either includes visual ties to minstrel stereotypes, or within the narrative they are not allowed to act independently outside of a supporting role. The lack of diversity in roles and representation of Black women is an overall refusal to counteract or change historical industry standards. Creating changes in character personalities and appearance is easier than breaking the pattern of role and sameness between Black characters. Change in character type is more difficult to pinpoint, therefore the standard of representation has been slow to change over time (Fulmore 2010, 2).
Marvel’s Moon Girl and Devil Dinosaur (S1E1).
Warner Brothers. is not the only animation studio with a legacy of problematic representation of Black women. Studios that have historically perpetrated racism in their cartoons can, and should, work to create a new legacy. There are several contemporary projects made by other studios with a history of misrepresentation that have portrayed a main Black female character in animation positively. One such project is the series Marvel’s Moon Girl and Devil Dinosaur (2023-present, Steve Loter, Jeffrey M. Howard, and Kate Kondell). The lead of the series, Lunella Lafayette (Moon Girl), is an African American teenage girl. She has defining Black features like afro puffs and a wide nose, but her features are not exaggerated, and they match the style of the non-Black characters in the series. Lunella occasionally uses slang terms like “aight” and “imma”, but contrary to the “hep” talk of So White, the slang does not imply ignorance or an inability to use proper English.
Conducting this research has been exhausting and disheartening. As a Black woman myself, repeatedly analyzing how Black women have been shown as caricatures, and feeling the lack of modern representation from a large studio such as Warner Brothers is emotionally heavy. Negative historical representation, specifically within animation, has affected many minority groups beyond Black women, and each of these groups deserves to have the course of that history changed. The characterization of Black women has somewhat improved after Coal Black and de Sebben Dwarves. Compared to So White, Numbuh 5 and Hero Girl have nuance and personality beyond their racialisation. Despite these positive examples, the characters are still limited to supporting roles within their respective projects. Even as there is visual improvement and more advanced characterization, later examples of Black Women within Warner Brothers animation still contribute to a larger system of racism within American animation. Warner Brothers could once again use a Disney project for inspiration, but rather than creating a racial satire, the studio could study the successful representation in Moon Girl and Devil Dinosaur. Until then, the legacy of So White, stereotypes, and sexism continues to be an unconquered hurdle for Warner Brothers animation.
**Article published: April 18, 2025**
References
Brasch, Walter M. 1986. “Racial and Ethnic Identification In American Animated Cartoons.” Negro History Bulletin 49, no. 3: 11–16.
Friedwald, Will, and Beck, Jerry. 1981. The Warner Brothers Cartoons. Metuchen: Scarecrow Press, 1981.
Fulmore, Yvonne. 2010. “Depiction Patterns of Young African-American Women in Contemporary American Animation.” Masters Thesis. New York: State University of New York at Buffalo.
Furniss, Maureen. 2016. A New History of Animation. London: Thames & Hudson, 2016.
Lehman, Christopher P. 2007. The Colored Cartoon: Black Representation in American Animated Short Films, 1907-1954. Cambridge: University of Massachusetts Press.
Sammond, Nicholas. 2011. ““Who Dat Say Who Dat?”: Racial Masquerade, Humor, and the Rise of American Animation.” In Funny Pictures: Animation and Comedy in Studio-Era Hollywood, edited by Daniel Ira Goldmark and Charles Keil, 129-152. Berkeley: University of California Press.
Sammond, Nicholas. 2015. Birth of an Industry: Blackface Minstrelsy and the Rise of American Animation. Durham: Duke University Press, 2015.
Biography
Alissa Clarke-Gaar is a graduate student at the University of Texas at Dallas, enrolled in the Harry W. Bass Jr. School of Arts, Humanities, and Technology, where she is pursuing a Master of Fine Arts in Animation. She is passionate about amplifying the voices of minority women in the field and has a strong interest in diverse and emotional storytelling. This text has been refined with the assistance of Dr. Christine Veras and her peers from the History of Animation course.